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Chicago Tribune
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As we all know by now, Illinoisans really do not matter. Barring a convulsion of the political landscape, we will watch Tuesday as Ohioans, Floridians, Iowans, Pennsylvanians and folks in a few other states choose our president.

We have merited only the faintest of blips on the radar screens of Sen. John Kerry and President Bush from the get-go, and we likely will find ourselves among the great ignored in 2008 and beyond unless we seriously consider changes in state election law–one of them particularly dramatic.

By the time Illinois Democrats voted in March, their brethren in early-primary states had selected Kerry as the party’s standard-bearer. Kerry’s camp then took them for granted in the fall campaign, while Illinois Republicans got no respect from Bush and his handlers.

Nothing personal.

It’s just that Illinois and its electoral votes have been staples in the Democratic column since 1992, and polls indicated no significant shift. So why invest time and money here? Both sides clearly saw our state as a non-player in both the primary and general elections–except, of course, for fundraising.

To become relevant again, we should move our presidential primary toward the front of the line and probably abandon the winner-take-all approach that bundles our Electoral College vote in a bloc.

The major downside to decoupling the presidential primary from statewide nominating contests and holding it in January or February is the price tag of several million dollars for the additional day of balloting; yet, the opportunity to help determine our ultimate choices would be well worth the tab. The electoral-vote proposition is far more controversial and merits thorough discussion; however, Illinoisans may well decide such a radical change may be the most effective way to make both our vote and our state count.

Illinois can revamp its system without amending the federal or state constitutions. It could opt for a proportional allotment of its 21 electoral votes based on the popular vote. Or, like Maine and Nebraska, it could award an electoral vote to each winner of a congressional district and give the remaining two to the statewide victor. Either process would force the presidential nominees to court us and stimulate turnout.

Some reformers suggest we focus on dumping the Electoral College and letting the popular vote prevail. But opposition from small states and their U.S. senators to any revision that would soften their swat would preclude the extraordinary majorities required to amend the federal Constitution. Hence, the most pragmatic approach is to amend laws in one-party states like Illinois and Texas, where either Republicans or Democrats are essentially disenfranchised.

Top Democrats in Illinois understandably would try to squash such an initiative. The Prairie State was regarded as a bellwether for the nation until the 20th Century’s twilight, but Republican presidential contenders have not competed here since George H.W. Bush narrowly captured it 16 years ago while crushing Michael Dukakis in a national landslide. From a strictly partisan standpoint, the Democratic chieftains would see no reason to admit any Illinois Republicans into the Electoral College, and they likely will wield a veto well into the future, even if their grip on state government loosens.

Given that stark political reality, the mission is daunting. It would take a grass-roots uprising of historic magnitude and intensity to accomplish the revolutionary revision. But consider the tantalizing prize for a Herculean performance. Convincing the statehouse to advance Illinois’ presidential primary and put our electoral votes up for grabs would put us squarely back on the political map for those seeking a lift to the White House.